Collusion (State Terrorism) 06 Report

Collusion During The Troubles in Northern Ireland: A Rigorous Examination of Evidence

Introduction

The Troubles (1968–1998), a period of sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland, witnessed over 3,500 deaths and systemic violence between Irish republican paramilitaries, loyalist groups, and British state forces. Among the most contentious issues is the allegation of collusion—cooperation between British security forces (army, police, intelligence) and loyalist paramilitaries to target civilians, suppress dissent, and undermine republican groups. While collusion was long dismissed as conspiracy theory, decades of investigations, declassified documents, and victim testimony have unearthed irrefutable evidence of state-sponsored violence. This essay rigorously examines documented cases, official inquiries, and whistleblower accounts to demonstrate that collusion was not only real but institutionalized, perpetuating the conflict and denying justice to victims.

Defining Collusion: Mechanisms and Methods

Collusion during The Troubles operated through:

• Weapons Trafficking: State actors supplying loyalists with arms, ammunition, and explosives.
• Intelligence Sharing: Security forces leaking personal details of civilians to paramilitaries.
• Joint Operations: Army/police facilitating paramilitary attacks via logistics, surveillance, or deliberate inaction.
• Obstruction of Justice: Cover-ups, evidence destruction, and witness intimidation to protect perpetrators.

These actions violated domestic and international law, including the European Convention on Human Rights.

Case Studies: Documented Evidence of Collusion

1. The Glenanne Gang and the Dublin-Monaghan Bombings (1974)

The Glenanne Gang, a loyalist network including Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) members and Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) soldiers, carried out over 120 sectarian murders. The Dublin-Monaghan bombings (May 17, 1974)—which killed 33 civilians—were linked to the gang. Key evidence includes:

• Weapons Provenance: Bombs used matched British Army-issue explosives.
• RUC Intelligence Leaks: Declassified files show Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) officers provided UVF with targets.
• State Protection: No prosecutions occurred despite suspects being identified; the British government refused to release files, citing “national security.”

The Smithwick Tribunal (2013) confirmed collusion between the IRA and Irish police in related attacks but noted British obstruction in investigations.

2. The Murder of Pat Finucane (1989)

Pat Finucane, a human rights lawyer representing IRA suspects, was assassinated by the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). The De Silva Review (2012) concluded:

• British Army Intelligence (FRU) Involvement: The Force Research Unit (FRU), a covert military agency, recruited UDA informant Brian Nelson, who provided Finucane’s details.
• RUC Complicity: Police ignored threats to Finucane and failed to warn him.
• Ministerial Knowledge: Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s government was aware of FRU operations but took no action.

Despite evidence, no British minister or senior officer has been prosecuted.

3. The Loughinisland Massacre (1994)

UVF members murdered six Catholics in a pub. A Police Ombudsman report (2016) found:

• RUC Informants: Attackers were RUC informants; police destroyed evidence and withheld files.
• Weapons Source: The rifle used came from a British Army shipment to loyalists in the 1980s.

The report concluded collusion was “a significant feature” of the case.

4. The Stevens Inquiries (1989–2003)

Three independent inquiries led by Sir John Stevens, then-Metropolitan Police Commissioner, investigated collusion. Key findings:

• FRU and Brian Nelson: The FRU manipulated UDA operations, providing Nelson with classified files on over 200 republicans. Nelson’s handlers authorized assassinations.
• Weapons Trade: British intelligence facilitated arms imports from South Africa to loyalists.
• Institutional Obstruction: Stevens’ team found RUC and Army files burned in a suspicious fire; witnesses were intimidated.

Stevens concluded collusion was “widespread and systemic.”

Systemic Collusion: Institutional Frameworks

1. The Force Research Unit (FRU)

The FRU, tasked with recruiting paramilitary informants, operated with minimal oversight. Agents like Brian Nelson (UDA) and Billy Stobie (UDA) received immunity for crimes in exchange for intelligence. The Cory Collusion Inquiry (2004) found FRU handlers:

• Provided names and addresses of targets.
• Sanctioned murders to protect informants’ cover.
• Blocked prosecutions by withholding evidence.

Former FRU officer Martin Ingram revealed that agents’ crimes were authorized at “the highest levels.”

2. The Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR)

The UDR, a British Army regiment, was infiltrated by loyalists. Declassified documents show:

• 1993 Report: 11% of UDR soldiers had criminal records; 15–20% were linked to loyalist groups.
• Weapons Theft: UDR armories supplied 75% of loyalists’ weapons in the 1970s.

Despite this, the British government disbanded the UDR only in 1992.

3. RUC Special Branch

The RUC’s intelligence wing shielded informants. Former RUC officer Raymond Gilmour testified that Special Branch:

• Ordered the release of loyalists caught with weapons.
• Fabricated evidence against innocent Catholics.

The Patten Report (1999), which reformed Northern Irish policing, confirmed Special Branch’s “toxic legacy.”

International and Legal Reckonings

1. European Court of Human Rights (ECHR)

In Kelly v. United Kingdom (2013), the ECHR ruled Britain violated Article 2 (right to life) by failing to investigate collusion in five murders.

2. Declassified Documents

In 2019, the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) admitted holding over 1 million collusion-related files, many implicating government officials. Campaigners allege ongoing cover-ups.

Conclusion: Collusion as State Policy

The evidence—from victim testimony, forensic reports, and official inquiries—leaves no doubt: collusion was a deliberate strategy to combat republicanism through proxy violence. While the British government framed The Troubles as a “law-and-order” issue, its forces actively destabilized Northern Ireland. Persistent impunity for perpetrators and political resistance to inquiries (e.g., the stalled Legacy Bill) underscore collusion’s enduring legacy. Until full transparency is achieved, reconciliation remains impossible.

Sources

• Stevens Inquiry Reports (2003)
• De Silva Review (2012)
• Cory Collusion Report (2004)
• Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, Loughinisland Report (2016)
• ECHR, Kelly v. UK (2013)
• Testimonies from FRU whistleblowers (e.g., Martin Ingram)